"Starr.Remarks" - читать интересную книгу автора (impeachment)

After Chief Judge Johnson ruled against the president, the president
dropped the executive privilege claim in the Supreme Court. In August,
the president explained to the grand jury why he dropped it. The
president stated: "I didn't really want to advance an executive
privilege claim in this case beyond having it litigated."

But this statement – to the grand jury – was inaccurate. In
truth, the president had again asserted executive privilege only a few
days earlier. And a few days after his grand jury testimony, the
president again asserted executive privilege to prevent the testimony
of Bruce Lindsey. These executive privilege cases continue to this
day; indeed, one case is now pending in the D.C. Circuit.

When the president and the administration assert privileges in a
context involving the president's personal issues; when the president
pretends publicly that he knows nothing about the executive privilege
assertion; when the president and the administration rebuff our
office's efforts to expedite the cases to the Supreme Court; when the
president contends in the grand jury that he never really wanted to
assert executive privilege beyond having it litigated – despite
the fact that he had asserted it six days earlier and will do so again
four days afterwards, there is substantial and credible evidence that
the president has misused the privileges available to his office. And
the misuse delayed and impeded the federal grand jury's investigation.

The fifth tactic was diversion and deflection. The president made
false statements to his aides and associates about the nature of the
relationship – with knowledge that they could testify to that
effect to the grand jury sitting here in Washington. The president did
not simply say to his associates that the allegations were false or
that the issue was a private matter that he did not want to discuss.
Instead, the president concocted alternative scenarios that were then
repeated to the grand jury.

The final two tactics were related: (i) to attack the grand jury
investigation, including the Justice Department prosecutors in my
office – to declare war, in the words of one presidential ally
– and (ii) to shape public opinion about the proper resolution of
the entire matter. It is best that I leave it to someone outside our
office to elaborate on the war against our office. But no one really
disputes that those tactics were employed – and continue to be
employed to this day.

F. The President's Actions: Aug. 17

This strategy proceeded for nearly seven months. It changed course in
August after Monica Lewinsky reached an immunity agreement with our
office, and the grand jury, after deliberation, issued a subpoena to
the president.