"Starr.Remarks" - читать интересную книгу автора (impeachment)

criminal investigation had become public, the president made false
statements to his Cabinet and used his Cabinet as unwitting surrogates
to publicly support the president's false story.

Fifth. The evidence suggests that the president, acting in a
premeditated and calculated fashion, deceived the American people on
Jan. 26 and on other occasions when he denied a relationship with Ms.
Lewinsky.

Sixth. The evidence suggests that the president, after the criminal
investigation became public, made false statements to his aides and
concocted false alibis that these government employees repeated to the
grand jury. As a result, the grand jury received inaccurate
information.

Seventh. Having promised the American people to cooperate with the
investigation, the president refused six invitations to testify to the
grand jury. Refusing to cooperate with a duly authorized federal
criminal investigation is inconsistent with the general statutory duty
imposed on all executive branch employees to cooperate with criminal
investigations. It also is inconsistent with the president's duty to
faithfully execute the laws.

Eighth. The president and his administration asserted three different
governmental privileges to conceal relevant information from the
federal grand jury. The privilege assertions were legally baseless in
these circumstances. They were inconsistent with the actions of
Presidents Carter and Reagan in similar circumstances. And they
delayed and impeded the investigation.

Ninth. The president made false statements under oath to the grand
jury on Aug. 17, 1998. The president again took an oath to tell the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. The evidence
demonstrates that the president failed to adhere to that oath and thus
to his presidential oath to faithfully execute the laws.

Tenth. The evidence suggests that the president deceived the American
people in his speech on Aug. 17 by stating that his testimony had been
legally accurate.

In addition to those 10 points, it bears mention that well before
January 1998, the president used government resources and prerogatives
to pursue his relationship with Monica Lewinsky. The evidence suggests
that the president used his secretary Betty Currie, a government
employee, to facilitate and conceal the relationship with Monica
Lewinsky. The president used White House aides and the United States
ambassador to the United Nations in his effort to find Ms. Lewinsky a
job at a time when it was foreseeable – even likely – that
she would be a witness in the Jones case. And the president used a
government attorney – Bruce Lindsey – to assist his personal