"Dusan T.Batakovic. The Kosovo Chronicles " - читать интересную книгу автора

Serbian policy of the bourgeoisie and called during the war on the ethnic
Albanian population to rise together with the colonists and Serbian natives
for the creation of a "new, justice society", the response was negligible. A
party leader, Ali Shukria, tried in 1941 to justify this reaction by saying
that the mere name Yugoslavia provoked unanimous indignation among the
ethnic Albanians. Clashes between Partisan and Chetnik formations on the one
hand and the ethnic Albanian gendarmery on the other showed that ethnic
Albanians saw in both of them only Serbs, their age-old enemies.⁵
The number of ethnic Albanians mustered in partisan units in Kosovo and
Metohia was extremely low, numbering only several dozen. Individual units
were named after prominent ethnic Albanian communists (Zeinel Aidmi, Emin
Duraku), and then after distinguished leaders of the secessionist movement
against Serbia and Yugoslavia (Bairam Cum); agitations among the population
constantly stressed that after the war, the ethnic Albanians would win their
rights, labeling the prewar policy as fascist and maleficent. However,
winning over ethnic Albanians for the restoration of Yugoslavia under a
communist leadership was slow, since among the ethnic Albanian members of
the CPY most had hoped that Kosovo and Metohia would remain in the
composition of Albania after the war.
In the Communist Party of Albania (CPA), which was formed from various
factions on February 8, 1941, under the supervision of Yugoslav instructors
(Miladin Popovic and Dusan Mugosa), were numerous followers of a Greater
Albania under communist rule. Albanian communist leader Enver Hoxha had
taken the first step towards an accord for the creation of a Greater Albania
after the war with a short-lasting agreement reached on August 2,1943, in
the village of Mukaj with representatives of the Balli Kombetar, a
very
active organization in Kosovo.⁶ Miladin Popovic held a similar
stand, proposing that ethnic Albanians from Kosovo and Metohia be placed
under the command of the Chief Staff of Albania and that Metohia come under
the organization of the CPA.⁷ Such aspirations attained their
fullest expression in a declaration issued on January 2, 1944 in the village
of Bunaj (Bujan), in a conference attended by 49 political representatives
of the ethnic Albanian and Yugoslav partisan units (43 ethnic Albanians, 1
Moslem and 7 Serbs present):
"Kosovo and Metohia is an area mostly inhabited by ethnic Albanians,
who have always wished to become united with Albania. We, therefore, feel it
our duty to point to the road that is to be followed by the ethnic Albanian
people in the realization of their wishes. The only way for the Kosovo and
Metohia ethnic Albanians to unite with Albania is through a common struggle
with the other peoples of Yugoslavia against the invader and his lackeys. It
is the only way of winning freedom, when all the peoples, including ethnic
Albanians, will be able to make their options with a right to
self-determination, including secession. The guarantee for it is the
National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and the National Liberation Army of
Albania, with which it is closely linked."⁸
The decisions reached in Bunaj, under which the name Metohia was
replaced by an Albanian term Rrafshe Dukadjini, were contrary to
a
declaration by a grand communist assembly held in Jajce in late November,