"Dusan T.Batakovic. The Kosovo Chronicles " - читать интересную книгу автора

Congress of the Comintern (1924) abandoned the principle of a federal
restructuring of states, created as a cordon sanitaire primarily as a
defense against the "proletariat revolution" and a struggle against the
Soviet Union, with the explanation that "western imperialists" were
preparing an assault on the "first country of socialism". The new political
platform's starting point was to break up the cordon surrounding the Soviet
Union by singling out and rendering independent the oppressed nations among
those states in the enemy camp, including the Kingdom of Yugoslavia - the
right of Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia to separation was emphasized, and a
special resolution stressed the need to aid the movements of the oppressed
nations for the formation of their independent states and "for the
liberation of the Albanians". The policy of the Yugoslav authorities had
some effect on the Comintern's stand towards Yugoslavia: the royal
authorities had failed to recognize the new Soviet state and provided
shelter to a large number of Russian emigrants and White Guard military
units in the 20s, including the troops of General Vrangel, while Russian
societies frequently greeted their patron, King Aleksandar Karadjordjevic
(related to the Romanov dynasty through his sister Jelena and his
Montenegrin aunts), as the new Slavic tsar.
The CPY, and the Comintern, advocated the stand that the state of
Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was an unnatural creation which cannot be
regarded as a homogeneous national state (comprising three tribes which make
up a nation) with a few ethnic minorities, but a state wherein the ruling
class of one (Serbian) nation was oppressing the other nations. The thesis
on a Greater Serbian bourgeoisie and Greater Serbian hegemony owed much to
the theses of the Austro-Hungarian public opinion prior to and during World
War I, whereby the Greater Serbian threat posed a chief obstacle to the
stabilization of political conditions in the Balkans. Similar stands, only
with a more pronounced ideological component, can be found in the works of
Austro-Marxists whence such stereotypes were taken and constructed into the
views of the Third International regarding the ethnic question in the
Balkans.¹
The policy to break up Kingdom of Yugoslavia culminated in the
decisions of the CPY's Fourth Congress, held in Dresden in 1928. The
statement that about one-third of the Albanian nation had remained under the
rule of the Greater Serbian bourgeoisie, which was implementing the same
oppressive regime" against it as in Macedonia, was supplemented by the stand
that its liberation and unification with Albania can be achieved only in a
joint struggle with the CPY. With regard to this, support was extended to
the Kosovo Committee, an organization of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo and
Metohia who, aided by the Albanian government and Mussolini, raided Yugoslav
territory with the aim of winning the annexation of Kosovo, Metohia and
western Macedonia to Albania. Tens of thousands of Serbian colonists -
chiefly volunteers in World War I and indigent families from Montenegro,
Vojna Krajina and Dalmatia, were sealed by the party press as servants of
the Greater Serbian policy, although the land they were allotted was not
taken from ethnic Albanians. Similar stands were reitered at the Fourth
National Conference of the CPY held in Ljubljana in 1934, which stressed the
assessment that the Yugoslav kingdom was nothing but the "occupation of
Croatia, Dalmatia, Slovenia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Kosovo and